A lot of attention has been paid in the last couple of day to high profile Chinese politicians being arrested for corruption. Most prominently, Chen Liangyu, Shanghai Party boss, has been detained. Leaders in charge of Party discipline promise that those feathering their own nests will be dealt with "seriously:"
“This case may implicate more people,” Gan Yisheng, secretary
general of the party’s Central Discipline Inspection Commission, told a
news conference in Beijing. “Any party member who violates party
discipline, no matter how high or low his rank, will be thoroughly
investigated and seriously dealt with.”
Since Mr. Hu authorized
investigations into corrupt activities in several places last spring,
the central authorities have detained ranking officials in Beijing,
Tianjin, Fujian, Hunan and the Chinese naval forces, as well as in
Shanghai.
And China Daily reports this evening that two high level officials in Henan province have also been nabbed.
Good. Corruption has been a crushing problem for China for many years now. It has exacerbated economic inequalities and contributed to a growing sense of injustice among the poor and powerless across the country. But a few high level arrests are unlikely to solve the problem fundamentally. As Pei Minxin argues today in the Financial Times, corruption is systemic:
According to official figures, corruption is getting more costly and
increasingly infecting the upper echelons of the government. "Major"
corruption cases, measured in terms of the money involved, accounted
for 23 per cent of all corruption cases prosecuted in 1990, but rose to
43 per cent in 2002. Officials with the rank of county magistrate and
above were prosecuted in 6.1 per cent of the corruption cases in 2002 -
compared with only 1.7 per cent in 1990.
....
Rampant corruption threatens China's economic performance. It is
pervasive in some of China's most vital economic sectors, such as
banking, financial services, mining, energy, real estate and
infrastructure. It distorts market forces and allows the well-connected
to line their pockets at the expense of the public. Corruption results
in huge economic losses due to fraud, theft and waste. Moreover,
corruption corrodes critical public institutions, such as the courts,
law enforcement and public pension administrations, undermining
property rights, public confidence and social stability. As a result,
corruption has dramatically increased China's systemic risks. In
addition to dangers to the financial sector, corruption is responsible
for numerous environmental, public health and public safety disasters.
Widespread abuse of power by local officials has been a big source of
tension between the Chinese state and its people, as shown by rising
incidents of anti-government riots and protests.
In an odd sort of way, the Communist Party's approach to corruption has a Confucian ring to it: they tend to emphasize the moral failings of individuals, not the broader institutional context. Confucian morality is, at its most basic, rooted in personal responsibility for recognizing and doing the right thing. As such it is not, it seems to me, a very good template for designing political institutions, a project that requires something more than individual conscience to check abuses of power.
The Party constructs its own brand of "socialist morality," and expects members to abide by it. It also has internal organizations, the discipline inspection system, to police ne'er-do-wells. The the problem is political. The current rash of arrests is obviously linked to the continuing political succession from the former Party General Secretary, Jiang Zemin, to the current top man, Hu Jintao. Jiang left a lot of his appointees in important positions, and maintained a strong base of political influence, even though he had retired. Hu has been careful and methodical in building up his own personnel, always showing respect to his predecessor, but slowly gaining greater personal control over the sprawling party-state apparatus.
The "socialist" moral code is always interpreted politically.
To be fair to Confucius, this is not what he had in mind. He - perhaps naively - believed that gentlemen would look inside themselves and do the right thing, even when it might work against personal material interests: better to be honest and poor than corrupt and rich.
That sort of idealism is insufficient to construct and control political institutions. What is needed is a source of supervision external to the powerholders themselves. That doesn't exist in the PRC. There may be a lot of talk about "supervision by the masses," but in reality the Party is a power unto itself.
When Hu Jintao starts enacting political reform, changes that would allow people from outside the party to remove powerholders from office, then we can say he is getting serious about corruption. Until then, he is just taking down political enemies while allowing systemic corruption to continue.
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